News attention has been, and is likely to remain, fragmented and event-driven, peaking in relation to newly reported human infections or in reaction to the spread of infected birds, and then quickly disappearing into periods of non-attention. This “up and down” pattern of media attention will also depend heavily on the number of other competing issues that might be defined as the “news” of the moment. Figure 1 plots the pattern of news attention to Avian flu across recent months at The New York Times and at the ABC and NBC evening newscasts. The Times, more than any other news organization, sets the agenda of issues for other media outlets, and the network newscasts remain the primary source of news for most Americans.
Since January 2003, The Times has run 267 stories, though more than half of these articles occur across just a few months, with 63 articles running in October and November 2005, and 81 articles appearing in January, February, and March 2006. The two network newscasts have run a combined 100 reports (61 at NBC and 39 at ABC), with roughly 60% of these reports appearing in either October/November 2005 (43) or between January and March 2006 (16).
News about Avian flu has competed with many other issues for the media’s attention. Though across January, February, and March 2006, 81 articles appeared about Avian flu at The Times, during this same period more than 1,000 articles ran about
Moreover, despite warnings about a potential global pandemic, Avian flu has yet to earn the type of media celebrity status that SARS achieved in 2003. By July of that year, according to the World Health Organization, SARS had infected 8098 individuals across 26 countries including
In light of the relatively modest levels of media attention to Avian flu, and considering the many competing events in the news, it is not surprising that relatively few Americans report following the issue very closely, and that public concern remains relatively low. Figure 2 plots the percentage of the public, who when asked, answer that they have been following the topic of Avian flu “very closely.”
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Notice in the graph that public attention tracks closely with the amount of media coverage the issue may be receiving in any given month. The peak measure of attention, 32%, occurs in early December 2005, following the two months of heaviest news coverage to date. Public focus, however, has yet to reach the level for SARS, with 39% of adults in an April 2003 Pew poll and 42% in a June 2003 Kaiser survey indicating that they were paying very close attention to the SARS outbreak. The higher levels of public attention to SARS are not surprising, given the heavy media coverage to the topic during that period. Public attention to news about avian flu also falls short of the recorded high for West Nile Virus (43% following the issue very closely; Kaiser Poll, Oct. 2002).
In comparison to major political issues, according to the Pew News Interest Index, in October 2005, 69% of respondents said they were following news about the impact of Katrina very closely, and 67% said they were following high gas prices very closely. Indeed, the public’s heavy focus on these competing topics probably displaced what would have otherwise been closer attention to the threat of Avian flu.
With relatively low levels of public attention, only a quarter of Americans across polls indicate that they are “worried” that they or someone in their family might contract Avian flu, and only a quarter of Americans say that they are “very concerned” about the issue. Despite speculation that a panicked public might start hoarding Tamiflu to use in the event of a bird flu outbreak, a recent Harvard School of Public Health survey finds that only 2% of Americans have talked to their doctor about the matter. Other than a function of media coverage, low levels of public concern are also probably a product of human nature, with Americans discounting an uncertain future risk, regardless of its potential impact. Americans are also probably desensitized to the Avian flu threat based on past warnings related to Mad Cow Disease, West Nile Virus, and more recently, SARS.
On the important matter of information sources and trust, in the recent Harvard survey, when asked where they had gotten information about Avian flu, 80% of respondents said television, 50% said newspapers, 34% said radio, 4% said their doctor, 5% said a government Web site, and 11% indicated a non-government Web site. When asked hypothetically about an outbreak of Avian flu in the U.S., 73% of the public said they would trust the CDC as a source of information either a great deal or good amount, followed by the Secretary of Human and Health Services at 55%, the Food and Drug Administration at 53%, the Secretary of the Agriculture at 43%, and the Secretary of Homeland Security at 32%.
Though experts are often quick to criticize the media, so far, there is little evidence that news coverage of Avian flu has promoted undue alarm among the American public. Public attention to the topic remains relatively low, while few Americans express worry that they or their family might contract the virus. Yet, looking ahead, public concern is likely to track closely with levels of media coverage, and in relation to the nature of competing events or issues. Similar to West Nile Virus, if infected birds are found in
In this sense, the news media serve an important surveillance function. The great majority of the public will continue to pay limited attention to either the details or the nature of the issue until a major spike in news stories alerts them to an imminent and urgent problem. At that time, it is likely that a small segment of the public will turn to the Internet and to newspaper coverage for more detailed information, while the rest of the public will rely heavily on the directions and reassurances of government agencies and public figures that they trust, messages that will be encountered by way of television news.
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